UCSB   LIBRARY 


MR.  HILLHOUSE'S  SPEECH 


RESOLUTION  TO  REPEAL  THE  EMBARGO, 

NOVEMBER  29,  1808. 


MR. 

WHEN  I  offered  the  resolution  for  a  removal  of 
the  embargo,  and  submitted  my  remarks  to  the  senate,  I  was  im- 
pressed with  serious  apprehensions  for  our  country's  welfare,  on 
account  of  the  embarrassments  so  forcibly  described,  and  which  have; 
been  painted  in  such  vivid  colours  by  the  gentleman  from  Virginia. 
[Mr.  Giles.]    It  was  because  I  felt  anxious  that  we  should  extricate 
ourselves  as  soon  as  possible  from  those  embarrassments,  that  I 
came  forward  thus  early  with  my  resolution.     I  had  been   led  to 
believe,  and  still  believe,  that  the  way  to  extricate  ourselves  is,  to 
explore  the  causes  of  .our  difficulties,  to  examine  into  the  truth  of 
facts,  and  to  have  a  candid  and  impartial  inquiry  into  the  policy  and 
expediency  of  our  present  measures  ;  that  if  unfortunately  we  should 
be  found  in  an  error,  we  may  retrace  our  steps,  and  not  by  an  ob- 
stinate perseverance  therein,  involve  our  country  in   ruin.     Little 
did  I  expect  that  I  should  be  charged  with  having  proposed  a  tame 
submission   to  foreign  aggression,  or  a  disposition  to   abandon  our 
neutral  rights,  or  surrend  r  the  independence  of  my  country  ;  much, 
less  with  having  forgotten  the  spirit  and  policy  of  '76,  which  carried 
us  safely  through  the  revolution,  and  achieved- our  independence. 
I  confined   myself  to  general  remarks,  and   was  not  perhaps   so 
particular  as  I  ought  to  have  been,  to  make  myself  understood.     I 
shall  therefore  now  take  the  liberty  of  stating  what  were  the  spirit 
and  policy  of  '76  ;  and  I  shall  be  able  to  shew,  from  public  docu- 
ments and  records,  that  as  long  as  that  spirit  and  policy  were  pur- 
sued, they  secured  us  in  the  enjoyment  of  our  independence,  and 


2 

caused  our  maritime  and  other  rights  to  be  respected.  Unfortu- 
nately for  our  country,  it  was  a  departure  from  that  policy  that  has 
brought  us  into  our  present  situation.  It  is  not  surprising  that 
many  mistakes  should  be  made  respecting  the  sjiirit  and  fiolicy  qf' 
'76,  by  those  who  must  have  derived  their  information  from  tradi- 
tion, and  not  from  their  own  personal  observation.  I  have  noticed 
that  many  of  those  who  say  the  most  on  that  subject,  were  either 
not  born,  or  were  in  their  cradles,  or  have  since  migrated  to  the 
United  States,  to  enjoy  the  fruits  and  blessings  of  that  revolution. 

The  patriots  and  statesmen  who  guided  our  public  councils  at 
the  commencement  of  the  revolution,  believing  our  rights  were 
invaded,  and  our  liberties  endangered  by  the  arbitrary  and  unwar- 
rantable claims  of  the  British  parliament,  resorted  first  to  respect- 
ful petitions  and  remonstrances,  to  induce  the  British  government 
to  abandon  their  unjust  claims,  and  adopt  such  measures  as  would 
secure  our  rights  and  liberties.  But  when  these  means  were  found 
to  be  ineffectual,  they  nobly  dared  to  make  their  appeal  to  arms,  and 
to  declare  themselves  a  free  and  independent  nation  :  and  though 
we  were  without  a  regular  organized  government,  and  had  neither 
army  nor  navy,  they  dared,  in  defence  of  their  just  rights,  to  wage 
war  with  a  powerful  nation.  They  did  not  tell  us  that  we  must 
abandon  our  right  to  navigate  the  ocean,  or  yield  up  any  other 
right  because  of  surrounding  dangers.  The  maxims  then  were,  that 
rig/its,  which  were  not  worth  defending,  were  no  rights:  that  to  be 
res/iecled)  we  must  convince  others  that  we  would  not  tamely  submit 
to  insult  ;  and  that  to  preserve  peace  we  must  be  prepared  for  tvar. 
This  spirit  and  policy  carried  us  safely  through  the  revolutionary 
Avar,  established  our  independence,  and  secured  our  national  sove- 
reignty ;  one  essential  attribute  of  which  is,  the  right  to  navigate 
the  ocean.  In  1783  we  obtained  an  honourable  peace.  In  1793, 
\v ar  having  commenced  between  France  and  England,  our  mari- 
time rights  were  invaded  by  the  latter,  and  our  vessels  were  cap- 
tured and  condemned  under  the  memorable  November  orders.  An 
attempt  was  then  made  to  introduce  the  same  policy  to  defend  our 
rights  and  vindicate  our  honour,  which  is  now,  and  for  some  time 
has  been,  in  the  flood  tide  of  experiment.  The  famous  resolution* 
proposing  duties  of  discrimination  between  foreign  nations,  the  en- 
tering into  a  commercial  warfare  with  England,  and  propositions 
for  a  non-intercourse  la~i\  and  sequestration  of  British  debts,  will  be 
remembered.  The  journals  of  that  session  of  congress  contain  a 
record  of  them,  and  will  shew  who  were  the  fn ends  and  advocates 
of  that  policy. 

Fortunately  for  the  nation,  we  then  had  a  chief  magistrate  whe 
was  actuated  by  the  .s/;mV,  and  well  knew,  and  was  determined  t» 
pursue  the  policy  of  '76.  He  boldly  came  forward,  and  put  an  end 
to  all  those  projects,  by  nominating  an  envoy  extraordinary  to  the 
court  of  Great  Britain,  to  remonstrate  against  the  wrongs,  and  de- 
mand satisfaction  for  the  injuries  we  had  sustained.  That  minister 


vifas  not  sent  out  with  a  non-imfiortation  or  a  non-infercourse  act  iu 
his  hand  ;  which  the  president  well  knew  would  have  been  under- 
stood and  considered  by  Great  Britain  in  the  nature  of  a  threat,  or 
an  attempt  to  coerce  ;  and  would  defeat  the  object  of  the  mission. 
He  was  in  reality  sent  with  the  olive  branch  on  the  principle  of  a 
fair  and  honourable  negotiation. 

In  the  mean  time,  knowing  that  a  failure  of  the  negotiation  must 
result  in  war,  or  an  abandonment  of  our  rights,  every  preparation 
to  meet  the  event,  which  it  was  in  the  power  of  the  country  to 
make,  was  made.  Laws  were  passed  for  fortifying  our  ports  and 
harbors ;  to  provide  a  navy ;  to  erect  arsenals  and  provide  magazines ; 
for  raising  artillerists  and  engineers  ;  for  directing  a  detachment 
from  the  militia  ;  to  prohibit  the  exportation  of  arms  and  ammuni- 
tion, and  to  encourage  the  importation  of  the  same  ;  to  build  or  pur- 
chase vessels  to  be  armed  and  equipped  as  gallies  or  otherwise;  and 
for  making  further  and  more  effectual  provision  for  the  protection 
of  the  frontiers  of  the  United  States.  These  several  acts  were  pas- 
sed in  the  short  space  of  about  ten  weeks  ;  and  not  only  found  their 
way  into  the  statute  book,  but  were  promptly  carried  into  execu- 
tion: and  being  laws  of  a  mere  municipal  nature,  providing  for  our 
internal  security  and  defence,  they  gave  no  umbrage  to  Great  Bri- 
tain. Yet  they  spoke  a  language  she  well  understood.  What  was 
the  consequence  ?  Great  Britain  admitted  our  claim,  revoked  her 
orders,  and  made  satisfaction  for  the  injury  ;  and  a  treaty  was  con- 
cluded, under  which  our  citizens  have  received  millions  of  dollars 
for  the  losses  they  sustained  by  the  capture  and  condemnation  of 
their  vessels  ;  and  since  it  went  into  operation,  as  the  gentleman 
from  Virginia  candidly  admits,  the  United  States  have  enjoyed  un- 
exampled prosperity. 

France,  still  at  war  with  England,  had  expected  that  the  differen- 
ces between  England  and  the  United  States,  would  involve  the  two 
countries  in  war.  Dissatisfied,  therefore,  with  the  treaty,  France 
manifested  an  unfriendly  disposition  towards  our  government.  In 
1797,  the  spoliations  committed  under  the  outrageous  decrees  of 
France,  were  such  as  could  no  longer  be  tolerated  consistently  with 
our  national  honour  and  interest :  and  the  French  government  had 
moreover  refused  to  receive  our  minister. 

It  was  once  more  fortunate  for  the  nation,  that  our  then  chief  ma- 
gistrate, and  the  councils  of  our  country,  were  still  under  the  influ- 
ence and  guidance  of  the  spirit  and  policy  of  '76.  Envoys  extraordi- 
nary were  sent  to  remonstrate  against  the  injuries  we  were  suffering, 
and  to  demand  satisfaction :  not  accompanied  by  non-importation 
laws,  or  any  other  acts  or  resolutions  which  could  wound  the  pride 
of  that  nation:  at  the  same  time  congress  provided  means  of  de- 
fence ;  so  that  the  nation  might  be  prepared  to  avenge  its  wrongs, 
arid  vindicate  its  honor,  in  case  of  refusal,  on  the  part  of  France, 
to  do  us  justice.  Laws  were  passed,  prohibiting  the  exportation 
'•yf  arms  and  ammunition,  and  for  encouraging  the  importation  there,- 


of;  to  provide  for  the  defence  of  the  ports  and  harbours  of  the  Uniteci 
States;  to  authorize  a  detachment  from  the  militia,  and  to  provide 
a  naval  armament. 

France  did  refuse  to  treat,  and  rejected  our  ministers.  What  was 
the  result  ?  nr)t  long,  detailed  diplomatic  correspondences,  further  re- 
monstrances, and  paper  resolutions :  a  negotiation  of  a  different  na- 
ture commenced;  we  spoke  a  language  not  to  be  misunderstood  : 
>ve  spoke  from  the  mouth  of  the  cannon.  Our  treaties  with  her 
•were  annulled;  all  intercourse  prohibited;  our  merchant  vessels 
authorized  to  arm,  and  defend  themselves  againt  French  privateers  ; 
an  army  was  raised;  and  our  little  navy  equipped,  manned,  and 
sent  out  to  protect  our  commerce,  and  capture  the  armed  vessels 
of  France.  A  war,  not  of  offence,  but  deft-nee,  was  commenced.  Na- 
val conflicts  soon  ensued,  and  a  French  frigate  was  taken,  after  a 
hard  fought  battle,  by  an  American  frigate  commanded  by  the  gal- 
lant Truxton.  The  French  privateers  and  piratical  boats,  which 
had  annoyed  our  trade,  were  swept  from  the  ocean  ;  our  commerce 
resumed  its  wonted  activity,  and  our  vessels  again  navigated  in 
safety  every  sea.  What  was  the  conduct  of  France?  a  declaration  of 
war?  far  from  it.  Though  she  had  before  treated  us  with  indignity, 
the  manly  attitude  we  assumed,  in  defence  of  our  rights  and  national 
honor,  commanded  her  respect ;  and  she  proposed  and  entered  into 
a  negotiation,  which  ended  in  a  treaty,  that  was  ratified  by  both 
governments,  and  was  finally  promulgated  by  a  proclamation  of 
the  president  of  the  United  States,  on  the  21st  of  December,  1801. 
At  this  period  the  American  flag  was  respected  in  every  sea,  and 
the  American  name  and  character  were  honored  by  all  nations. 

Since  that  period,  unfortunately  for  our  country,  a  different  poli- 
cy has  prevailed  in  its  public  councils,  founded  no  doubt  on  the  idea 
"that  a  just  nation  is  trusted  on  its  word;  while  wars  are  only 
necessary  to  nations  of  an  opposite  character."  A  policy  calculated 
on  to  save  the  necessity  of  ships  of  war.,  and  exactly  comporting 
vrith  some  of  the  modern  ideas  of  economy.  In  pursuance  of  this 
policy,  our  navy  has  been  suffered  to  decline;  and  some  of  our 
ships  have,  for  years,  been  moored  to  rot  in  the  mud  of  the  Eastern 
Branch  of  the  Potomac. 

Many  efforts  have  been  made,  but  in  vain,  for  removing  our  little 
fleet  into  the  salt  water,  to  protect  our  commerce,  at  least  on  out- 
coast;  and  to  secure  us  from  being  insulted,  within  our  own  juris- 
diction, by  the  armed  vessels  of  the  belligerents.  We  were  told 
that  if  our  ships  went  out,  and  should  meet  with  foreign  vessels 
depredating  on  our  commerce,  or  insulting  our  government,  they 
ivould^A/,  and  we  should  have  war.  That  our  ships  would  fight, 
on  proper  occasions,  I  have  no  doubt. 

Though  the  discouragements  which  have  been  thrown  in  the  way 
of  our  naval  prosperity  have  greatly  tended  to  depress  the  martial 
spirit,  it  still  exists,  and  if  an  opportunity  presents  will  be  drawn 
forth  into  action.  Believing  this,  I  confidently  rely  on  our  being 


ultimately  able  to  extricate  ourselves  from  the  perplexing  and  dis- 
tressing situation  described  by  the  gc;  t'eman  from  Virginia.  Thai 
this  opinion  is  correct,  the  conduct  of  our  naval  force  in  the  Medi- 
terranean sea,  furnishes  ample  proof.  The  war  with  Tripoli  has 
afforded  the  only  active  and  hcnorablf  employment  which  our  navy 
has  had  since  the  treaty  with  France;  and  in  which  the  gallant 
deeds  of  our  little  band  of  heroes,  deeds  worthy  of  the  American 
name  and  character,  have  commanded  the  admiration  and  applause 
of  surrounding  nations ;  and  the  recollection  thereof  will  be  cherish- 
ed by  the  American  peopie,  when  yonder  marble  monument,  erect- 
ed in  honor  of  those  heroes  who  fell  before  Tripoli,  shall  be  moul- 
dered into  dust. 

The  question  recurs,  what  is  the  cause  of  our  present  embar- 
rassments ?  what  has  brought  us  into  our  present  sad  dilemma  ?  for 
a  sad  one  it  is,  if  it  be  true,  that  we  are  reduced  to  the  alternative 
of  a  war  with  both  belligerents,  or  the  continuance  of  the  present 
embargo  system.  Surely  they  could  not  have  originated  in  party 
newspaper  publications,  or  the  electioneering  squabbles  of  the  ins 
and  the  outs  The  effects  of  these  are  greatly  over-rated.  Though 
they  produce  much  excitement  and  noise  here,  they  make  but  a 
small  impression  on  the  other  side  of  the  water.  The  public  do- 
cuments on  our  table,  those  furnished  last  session  of  congress,  and 
information  in  possession  of  the  senate,  shew  that  our  difficulties 
arise  from  our  having  forsaken  the  &jtirit,  and  departed  from  the 
policy  of  '76  ;  and,  in  lieu  thereof,  adopted  that  retiring  policy 
which  recommends  the  abandonment  of  our  right  to  navigate  the 
ocean,  because  our  commerce  is  exposed  to  danger  from  the  illegal 
attacks  and  depredations  of  the  belligerent  powers.  The  spirit  of 
'76  induced  us  to  face  danger,  to  secure  that  right :  and  would  not 
the  same  ttjiirit  prompt  us  to  hazard  something  in  its  defence  ? 

It  is  a  painful  task  to  me  to  undertake  to  point  out  the  impolicy 
and  impropriety  of  our  present  system  of  measures  ;  but  I  see  no 
other  way  of  avoiding  those  evils  which  the  gentleman  from  Vir- 
ginia has  so  forcibly  described  (to  remove  which  I  would  most  cor- 
dially  co-operate)  or  to  effect  that  union  in  our  public  councils,  which 
he  so  ardently  desires,  and  which  I  most  devoutly  wish  for,  than  by 
going  into  the  inquiry,  to  discover  where  the  error  lies. 

I  shall  go  no  further  back  than  to  1806,  the  date  of  the  memorials  of 
the  merchants  of  New  Haven,  and  the  great  cities  and  towns  on  the  sea 
coast,  now  introduced  by  the  gentleman  from  Kentucky.  [Mr.  Pope.} 
They  complained  of  aggressions  on  their  commerce  by  Great  Bri- 
tain, and  prayed  that  the  protecting  arm  of  government  might  be 
extended  for  their  relief.  The  Boston  memorial  suggested  a  spe- 
cial mission.  They  expected,  no  doubt,  that  the  envoy  would  be 
sent,  as  heretofore,  to  attempt  a  friendly  negotiation  of  differences  ; 
not  to  hold  out  a  non-importation  act  for  an  olive  branch,  or  to  be 
bound  by  instructions  to  demand,  as  an  ultimatum,  that  the  Ameri- 
can flag  should  protect  all  persons  on  board  our  merchant  vessels  ; 


6 

which  the  British  government  contended  could  net  be  granted,  be- 
cause they  said  it  would  tend  to  unman  their  navy,  and  cripple  that 
important  means  «.f  defence  against  a  powerful  and  enraged  foe  : 
and  as  they  disclaimed  all  right  of  impressing  American  seamen, 
they  supposed  that  our  claim,  in  its  utmost  extent,  might  be  con- 
sidered a  measure  calculated  to  withdraw  from  their  service  their 
«wn  seamen,  rather  than  to  protect  real  American  seamen.  This 
had  been  the  subject  of  negotiation,  as  well  under  the  former,  as 
the  present  administration,  and  the  point  had  been  pressed  as  far 
as  could  be  of  any  avail.  The  like  answer  was  given  to  both  ad- 
ministrations :  the  principle  cannot  be  admitted. 

The  gentleman  from  Virginia  has  read  a  resolution,  declaring 
there  had  been  a  violation  of  our  neutral  rights,  and  an  encroach- 
ment upon  onr  national  independence,  by  the  capture  and  condem- 
nation of  our  vessels  under  the  orders  of  the  British  government  ; 
•which  resolution  passed  in  February,  1806,  by  the  unanimous  vote 
of  the  senate  :  a  vote  that  does  honor  to  that  body,  as  it  exhibits  to 
the  nation,  and  to  the  world,  that  whatever  may  be  the  collision  of 
party  on  subjects  of  minor  importance,  whenever  it  is  a  question, 
in  regard  to  the  defence  of  our  own  rights,  and  the  interest  of  ayb- 
reign  flower,  we  are  an  undivided  ficofile.  Yet  notwithstanding 
this  unanimous  expression  of  the  opinion  of  the  senate,  and  the  ap- 
pointment of  an  envoy,  which  took  place  at  this  time,  no  measures 
of  defence  were  adopted.  A.non-imfiortation  act  was  passed  and  relied 
upon  for  maintaining  our  claims  ;  this  was  declared  in  public  de- 
bate ;  and  being  made  known  could  not  be  concealed.  It  was  waft- 
ed to  England  before  our  envoy  could  reach  her  shores.  So  far 
from  being  able  to  use  that  act  for  the  purpose  of  enforcing  our 
claims  ;  to  prevent  its  being  an  insuperable  bar  to  negotiation,  our 
ministers  inform  the  secretary  of  state,  in  their  letter  of  Septem- 
ber 11,  1806,  that  in  speaking  to  the  British  minister  of  that  act, 
they  mentioned  it  in  these  terms  :  "  after  a  short  vindication  of 
the  act,  in  the  course  of  which  we  did  not  omit  to  represent  it  in 
connection  with  the  special  mission  which  grew  out  of  it,  as 
•manifesting  the  friendly  sentiments  and  views  of  our  government 
towards  that  of  his  majesty." 

Although  the  mission  failed  of  success,  have  we  not  reason  to 
believe,  from  the  documents  laid  before  congress,  that  if  the  in- 
structions had  been  as  liberal,  and  the  negotiation  had  been  conduct- 
ed in  the  Kfiirit  and  policy  of  '76,  as  was  that  of  1794,  which  doubt- 
less v.-as  expected  by  those  merchants,  it  would  have  had  a  like  fa- 
vorable termination  ?  an  intimation  having  been  previously  given, 
by  the  British  minister,  of  a  duftonlhn,  which,  in  diplomatic  pro- 
ceedings, is  nearly  tantamount  to  a  direct  offer,  to  renew  the  for- 
mer treaty  (under  which  we  had  enjoyed  ten  years  peace,  and,  to 
use  the  expression  of  the  gentleman  from  Virginia,  unexampled 
(irofijicriti/}  to  remain  in  force  two  years  after  the  termination  of 
'he  present  war.  The  overture  was  not  accepted  ;  from  an  appre.- 


hension,  perhaps,  that  our  dexterity  in  managing  a  negotiation, 
aided  by  such  measures  as  the  present  policy  might  dictate,  would 
enable  us  to  obtain  better  terms.  That  the  non-importation  act  did 
not  aid,  but  tended  to  obstruct,  a  friendly  adjustment,  is  manifest 
from  the  following  note  of  lord  Holland  and  lord  Auckland,  ad- 
dressed to  our  ministers. 

"DOWNING  STREET, 

"  September  4,   1806. 
rt  GENTLEMEN, 

"  We  have  received  a  copy  (sent  by  you  at  our  request)  of  the 
act  of  congress  to  prohibit,  from  and  after  the  15th  of  November, 
the  import  into  the  territories  of  the  United  States,  of  a  very  large 
description  of  goods,  wares  and  merchandise,  from  any  port  or 
place  situated  in  Great  Britain  or  Ireland. 

"  On  a  full  consideration  of  that  act,  we  think  it  our  duty  to  ex- 
press our  earnest  hope  and  expectation,  that  some  means  may  be 
found  to  suspend  the  execution  of  a  measure  so  opposite,  in  its 
temper  and  tendency,  to  the  disposition  and  views  with  which  our 
pending  negotiation  has  been  commenced  and  is  carrying  on. 

"  The  measure,  unless  suspended,  will  take  e fleet,  if  not  before 
our  discussions  can  be  closed,  at  least  before  it  is  possible  that  their 
result  can  be  known  in  the  United  States  ;  and  would  obviously 
lead  to  the  necessity  of  proposing  to  parliament  similar  steps  on  the 
part  of  this  country,  by  which  mutual  irritation  would  be  excited, 
and  fresh  impediments  created  in  the  way  of  such  a  final  adjust- 
ment, as,  we  trust,  is  mutually  desired. 

"  We  rely  on  you  for  taking  such  immediate  steps,  in  this  busi- 
ness, as  may  best  contribute  to  a  happy  termination  of  our  treaty, 
and  to  a  cordial  and  permanent  friendship  between  his  majesty's 
subjects  and  the  citizens  of  the  United  States. 
"  We  have  the  honor  to  be 

Your  faithful  humble  servants, 

"VASSAL  HOLLAND, 
"  AUCKLAND." 

Our  ministers  did  recommend  a  suspension  of  the  act  and  it  was 
accordingly  suspended. 

The  effects  usually  produced  by  a  policy  which  attempts  to  coerce 
by  threats-  addressed  to  an  independend  power,  were  exemplified 
in  the  correspondence  of  our  minister  at  the  court  of  Madrid,  ap- 
pointed soon  after  the  commencement  of  the  present  administra- 
tion. After  protracted  diplomatic  discussions,  in  which  our  tifinis- 
ter  laboured  to  convince  the  SpanishEjovernment  of  the  justice  of 
our  claim,  and  the  propriety  of  tldFfcteeding  to  it,  and  this  ap- 
peal to  their  reason  had  proved  inettlHfeftlast  attempt  was  made 


s 

in  a  pompous  gasconading  note,  in  which  (as  well  as  I  remember 
from  having  heard  the  correspondence  once  read)  our  minister  in- 
formed the  government  of  Spain,  that  the  United  States  were  a 
great,  powerful,  and  high  spirited  nation,  who  would  not  submit  to 
injury  or  insult ,  and  concluded  by  telling  the  Spanish  minister  that 
there  were  only  two  modes  of  settling  Controversies  between  na- 
tions, arbitration  or  war.  The  Spanish  minister  returned  for  an- 
swer, that  the  king  his  master  had  commanded  him  to  inform  the 
American  minister,  he  should  not  choose  arbitration. 

Thus  has  the  matter  rested,  and  our  claims  are  still  unsatisfied. 

When  it  was  discovered  that  the  United  States  had  abandoned 
the  spirit  and  policy  of '76,  and  placed  their  dependence  on  acts  of 
congress,  paper  resolutions,  and  diplomatic  remonstrances  as  their 
system  cf  defence ;  what  was  the  consequence?  repeated  violations 
of  our  neutral  rights,  and  the  capture  and  condemnation  of  our  ves- 
sels. Long  and  elaborate  reasonings  have  been  gone  into,  to  estab- 
lish our  lights,  and  induce  a  change  in  the  conduct  of  those  powers, 
and  to  cause  them  to  respsct  our  rights :  all  to  no  purpose.  Evils 
have  been  accumulating  upon  us  to  that  degree,  that  we  are  now 
told,  that,  to  save  our  independence  and  honor,  and  secure  our 
rights,  we  must  agree  to  a  continued  embargo,  "  a  permanent  sus- 
pension of  commerce  :"  that  is,  to  preserve  our  rights,  we  must 
abandon  them  altogether.  Logic  this,  which  I  do  not  understand. 
If  there  be  wisdom  QY  policy  in  the  measure,  it  is  beyond  iny  com- 
prehension. Had  this  been  the  spirit  and  policy  of  '76,  should  we 
ever  have  achieved  our  independence  ?  should  we  now  occ  py  these 
seats,  under  the  constitution  of  the  United  States?  our  rights  are 
attacked  on  the  ocean  :  we  are  called  upon  to  abandon  them.  If 
our  shores  should  be  invaded,  would  not  this  retiring  policy  invite 
us  to  flee  to  the  mountains  ? 

On  my  mind  there  rests  not  the  smallest  doubt,  that  if  our  pub- 
lic councils  had  been  undeviatingly  guided  by  the  spirit  and  policy 
of  '76,  we  should  neither  have  had  war,  nor  been  under  the  neces- 
sity, in  obedience  to  our  own  laws,  of  abandoning  the  ocean,  and 
submitting  to  the  loss  of  a  commerce  second  only  in  importance  to 
that  of  any  nation  on  the  face  of  the  globe  :  whereby  we  are  called 
upon  to  make  a  sacrijice  of  property  greater  than  the  ivhole  expense 
of  all  the  armaments  and  other  defensive  measures,  adopted  under 
both  the  former  administrations,  for  the  protection  of  our  com- 
merce, and  the  vindication  of  our  national  honor.  In  point  of  real 
economy,  then,  we  are  losers  to  a  -vast  amount :  and  to  what  extent 
these  privations  and  sufferings  are  to  be  carried,  and  how'long  to  be 
continued,  cannot  be  foreseen. 

Gentlemen,  who  oppose  the  repeal  of  the  embargo,  tell  us 
that  Great  Britain  has  obtained  the  complete  dominion  of  the  sea  ; 
that  she  is  proud,  haughty,  avaricious  ;  and  that  her  object  is  to  ob- 
tain the  commerce  and  carrying  trade  of  the  world.  After  having 
secured  the  quiet  possession  thereof,  will  she  peaceably  suffer  us  to- 


become  her  rivals  ?  Will  she  not  tell  us,  you  voluntarily  abaix* 
<loned,and  shall  not  again  resume  them  ?  and  would  it  not  be  attend- 
ed with  more  danger,  expense,  and  difficulty  to  regain  them,  than 
to  hold  fast  the  possession  ? 

In  vain  should  we  address  her  from  that  retirement  recommend- 
ed by  the  gentleman  from  Virginia,  as  dignified;  a  retirement  in 
which  would  be  dissipated  the  resources  and  wealth  of  the  nation. 
In  vain,  I  say,  should  we  address  her  with  arguments  the  most  for- 
cible to  prove  our  right  to  navigate  the  ocean.  In  vain  should  we 
ask  her  consent,  though  we  were  to  employ  the  persuasive  elo- 
quence of  that  gentleman,  to  permit  us  to  resume  our  extended  and 
profitable  commerce.  We  should  come  forth  from  our  dignified  re- 
tirement under  great  disadvantages  to  commence  a  new  conflict  for 
our  right  to  navigate  the  ocean.  The  enemy  with  whom  we  shall 
have  to  contend  may  have  made  peace  with  her  rival,  and  we  be 
left  alone  to  maintain  the  conflict. 

Or  perhaps  we  may  have  to  contend  with  an  enemy  all  powerful 
on  the  land,  and  who  may  become  formidable  on  the  sea  ;  with  a 
power  that  has  for  a  long  time  cast  a  wishful  eye  towards  the  fair 
fields  of  America,  and  has  almost  kept  up  continual  claim  to  a  large 
portion  of  the  United  States,  which  was  once  within  her  embrace, 
and  which  was  wrested  from  her  by  the  war  of  1756.  Then  may 
we  expV;~*  to  see  adopted  the  ancient  Roman  policy — the  turning 
out  of  th'-  old  proprietors  of  the  soil  to  make  way  for  military  adven- 
turers. 'Phen  might  Ate  expect  the  feudal  system  in  all  its  ancient 
rigor.  " 

The  g^tleman  from  Virginia  has  told  us  that  his  brother  farmers 
must  raise  less  produce,  and  turn  their  surplus  labor  to  improve 
and  beautify  their  farms.  Is  there  not  some  danger  that  even  this 
may  serve  as  a  lure  to  tempt  the  cupidity  of  some  foreign  nation  ; 
and  if  the  same  timid,  retiring  policy  should  prevail,  will  they  not 
be  emboldened  to  attempt  to  possess  themselves  of  those  very  farms 
and  improvements  ?  Nor  should  we  be  secure,  were  we  to  assume 
the  savage  garb  and  manner  of  life.  Mr.  President,  if  a  conflict  should 
be  necessary  to  maintain  our  right  to  navigate  the  ocean,  I  wish  it 
may  happen  while  some  of  the  revolutionary  patriots  of  '76  are  still 
living,  who  can  reanimate  their  countrymen  with  their  sfiirit.  Some 
of  the  present  generation  may  acquire  that  spirit  by  inheritance  ; 
but  none,  I  fear,  by  education. 

It  has  been  insinuated  more  than  once,  that  the  opposition  to  the 
present  system  of  measures  (and  to  that  system  no  one  has  been 
more  opposed  than  myself)  proceeds  from  fiarty  feelings  and  disap- 
pointed ambition.  That  this  is  unfounded,  will  appear  by  a  resort  to 
the  journals  of  congress,  our  statute  book,  and  to  well  known  pub- 
lic transactions.  At  the  commencement  of  the  struggle  for  our 
liberties  and  independence,  from  a  full  conviction  of  the  rectitude 
of  the  cause,  I  engaged  on  the  side  of  our  country,  with  the  ardor 
natural  to  a  youthful  mind.  And  those  who  know  me  best  will 

2 


10 

not  accuse  me  of  having  declined,  through  the  -whole  revolutionary 
war,  any  exposure  or  sacrifice  which  the  call  of  my  country  re- 
quired. In  1794  I  voted  for  all  those  efficient  measures  of  de- 
fence then  adopted,  and  opposed  the  naper  resolution  policy  then 
brought  forward,  the  same  substantially  which  for  some  years  has 
been  pursued,  and  is  now  urged  upon  us.  In  1797-^8  I  voted  for 
the  naval  and  military  preparations  then  made.  Under  the  present 
administration,  I  have  uniformly  voted  for  all  such  measures  of  de- 
fence as  appeared  to  me  to  have  efficacy,  or  to  comport  with  the 
spirit  and  policy  of  '76  ;  though  the  gentleman  from  Virginia 
•would  seem  to  imagine  I  was  smarting  under  the  unpopularity  of 
my  former  votes  for  armies  and  navies  ;  measures  which  are  sup- 
posed  to  have  gone  far  in  effecting  a  change  in  the  administration. 
I  am  happy,  however,  in  the  reflection,  that  if  those  votes  lost  me 
my  popularity  and  political  power,  they  contributed  to  save  my 
country's  rights  andhonor.  I  shall  also  be  found  uniformly  to  have 
opposed  a  timid,  humiliating  policy,  which  must  ever  end  in  war, 
or  an  abandonment  of  our  nation's  rights  and  hotter.  A  senator  of 
the  United  States  is  unworthy  of  that  high  and  responsible  station, 
and  to  be  entrusted  with  the  destinies  of  his  country,  if,  upon  ques- 
tions of  great  national  importance,  involving  our  rights,  honor  and 
independence,  his  vote  could  be  governed  by  his  attachment  or  dis- 
like to  a  chief  magistrate,  or  others  in  power. 

The  gentleman  from  Kentucky,  in  referring  to  me,  has  used  the 
expression  "the  gentleman  in  opposition,"  meaning,  I  suppose,  to 
have  it  understood,  that  I  am  an  opponer  of  the  present  administra- 
tion. I  do  not  admit  that  I  am,  or  ever  have  been  the  opposer  or 
the./az>or//e  of  ,any  administration.  I  avow  myself  to  be  the  opposer 
only  of  such  measures  as  in  my  judgement  will  not  promote  the 
public  good.  [Mr.  Pope  rose  to  explain,  and  said  he  meant  only  to 
refer  to  the  opposition  of  Mr.  Hillhouse  to  the  embargo.]  Mr.  H. 
declared  himself  satisfied. 

The  gentleman  from  Kentucky  has  also  announced  (he  does  not 
say  officially)  that  the  presidential  electionering  races  for  the  pre- 
sent season  are  over  ;  and  calls  upon  the  several  riders  to  dismount 
their  hobbies  ;  not  reflecting  that  I  am  not  one  of  the  jockey  club  •  nor 
had  a  cttrd  of  invitation  to  the  race  ground,  without  which  none 
were  admitted.  Neither  I,  nor  any  member  from  Connec- 
ticut, was  invited  to  attend  the  famous  caucus  which  was  convened 
for  the  purpose  of  manufacturing  the  great  officers  of  state.  We 
were  not  emulous  of  that  honor,  being  content  with  the  mode  point- 
ed out  by  the  constitution  of  the  United  States,  for  choosing  presi- 
dent and  vice-president.  j 

To  preserve  our  independence,  and  avoid  tame  submission,  we  are 
gravely  told  by  the  gentleman  from  Virginia,  and  also  in  a  report  pro- 
nounced by  the  gentleman  from  Maryland,  [Mr.  Smith)  to  be  the 
most  luminous  production  ever  submitted  to  congress,  (the  result 
probably  of  the  combined  wisdom  of  the  whole  administration)  that 


11 

^  there  is  no  other  alternative  but  war  with  both  nations,  or  a  contf- 
nuance  of  the  present  system."  The  idea  of  going  to  war,  at  the 
same  time,  with  the  two  great  belligerent  powers,  is  as  novel  and 
surprising  to  me,  as  the  idea  of  a  fiermancnt  embargo  for  a  measure 
of  & --fence.  Suppose  the  warfare  be  on  the  land  ;  in  what  manner, 
let  me  ask,  would  three  belligerents,  each  hostile  to  the  other,  ar- 
ray their  forces  fer  action,  and  conduct  the  battle  ?  would  it  be  in 
the  form  of  a  triangle,  each  firing  alternately,  first  on  one  enemy 
and  then  on  the  other?  or  suppose  the  fleets  of  two  of  the  bellige- 
rents, say  French  and  American,  meet  on  the  ocean  ;  and  after  a 
bloody  conflict,  for  I  have  no  doubt  both  nations  would  fight  brave- 
ly, the  American  fleet,  for  I  would  always  incline  to  our  own  side, 
cripples  and  captures  that  of  their  enemy  ;  a  British  fleet  then  comes 
up  and  takes  both,  though  inferior  perhaps,  before  the  action,  to 
eithe:  ?  the  idea  is  too  ridiculous  to  merit  serious  attention. 

When  two  nations  have  a  common  enemy,  they  are  inclined  to 
cultivate  a  friendly  deposition  towards  each  other.  If  we  were  to 
declare  war  against  England,  France,  no  doubt,  would  revoke  her 
decrees,  give  us  a  friendly  reception  into  her  ports,  and  afford  us 
all  the  aid  and  protection  in  her  power,  both  by  sea  and  land. 
England  would  do  the  like,  if  we  were  to  declare  wai  against 
France.  Such  unquestionably  would  be  the  fact ;  and  it  is  in  vain 
to  shut  our  eyes  against  the  truth.  There  was  a  strong  proof  of 
this  exhibited  in  the  conduct  of  England  and  France  in  1794,  and 
1798. 

Is  it  not  national  antipathies,  more  than  foreign  fired- lections,  that 
produce  crimination  and  recrimination  of  an  English  party,  and  a 
French  party,  of  English  and  French  influence '.  for  the  honor  of 
my  country  I  hope  it  is  ;  for  I  should  be  sorry  to  think  so  meanly 
of  the  American  people  as  to  believe  they  would  prefer  the  interest 
of  a.ny  foreign  nation  to  that  of  their  own.  Should  we  unfortunate- 
ly be  brought  to  make  the  experiment,  by  being  engaged  in  ajusC 
and  necessary  war  (and  none  other  1  hope  will  ever  be  made  by  the 
United  States)  I  am  confident  we  shall  find  a  union  of  sentiment 
and  action.  These  are,  however,  unnecessary  speculations  ;  for  I 
see  no  necessity  of  declaring  war  against  any  nation. 

To  permit  our  merchant  vessels  to  arm,  under  proper  restric- 
tions and  to  equip,  man,  and  send  out  our  public  ships,  to  defend 
those  maritime  rights  which  are  clear  and  indisputable,  is  not  war, 
nor  will  it  necessarily  involve  vis  in  war.  Every  nation  on  earth 
would  respect  us  for  defending  our  essential  rights.  I  do  not  agree 
with  the  gentleman  from  Kentucky,  that  the  commanders  of  mer- 
chant vessels  can  commit  the  peace  of  the  nation,  if  the  government 
do  not  countenance  and  uphold  them  in  their  wrong,  but  promptly 
disavow  the  act.  Vessels  bound  up  the  Mediterranean  sea,  and  to 
the  East  Indies,  have  always  been  allowed  to  arm  ;  and  I  have 
never  heard  that  they  have,  in  a  single  instance,  committed  the 
peace  of  the  nation. 


•  .  in  answer  to  the  inquiry,  what  good  has  the  embargo  done  ? 
Jhe  gentleman  from  Virginia  says,  that  it  has  saved  to  our  citizens 
one  hundred  and  fifty  millions  of  property,  which  would  have  been 
captured  and  carried  into  France  or  England  ;  and  to  our  country 
fifty  thousand  seaman,  who,  instead  of  being  in  captivity  in  a  foreign 
land,  are  placed  int  ,ie  bosom  of  their  families.  This,  if  true,  is  an 
important  consideration  ;  but  I  doubt  the  fact.  Not  that  I  question 
the  veracity  of  the  gentleman  :  were  he  to  declare  a  fact  as  of  his 
own  knowledge,  I  should  have  a  most  perfect  reliance  on  it.  But  in 
this  case  the  gentleman's  declaration  being  but  an  expression  of 
9/zfm'on,  not  supported  by  any  one  fact  within  his  knowledge,  he 
must  excuse  me  if  I  cannot  yield  my  assent  to  it  ;  more  especially 
<ts  circumstances,  some  of  which  are  within  my  own  knowledge, 
lead  me  to  a  different  opinion.  It  is  a  fact,  that  most  of  our  vessels 
which  escaped  the  embargo,  or  have  since  gone  out  under  permits 
from  the  president  of  the  United  States,  have  returned  in  safety, 
and  made  gooJ  voyages,  from  which  the  seamen  "  have  returned 
to  the  bosom  of  their  families,"  and  with  something  to  administer 
to  their  wants  and  comfort  ;  not,  as  in  the  other  case,  empty- 
handed  from  our  dismantled  ships,  to  share  the  distresses  of  their 
little  households,  and  to  hear  their  children  cry  for  bread.  Many 
of  our  vessels  which  were  out  when  the  embargo  Was  laid,  have 
remained  out.  avoiding  the  inhospitable  shores  of  their  own  country, 
as  they  would  a  land  infected  with  pestilence.  'I  hose  vessels  have 
been  navigating  the  ocean  under  the  American  flag,  with  as  much 
safety  as  before  the  embargo  was  laid,  and  have  constantly  been 
employed  in  the  carrying  trade  to  -vast  firqfi'. 

Having,  at  the  commencement  of  this  debate,  submitted  my  ob- 
servations on  the  supposed  possibility  of  starving  England  or 
destroying  her  manufactures  ;  and  the  gentleman  from  Massachu- 
setts, [Mr.  Lloyd]  better  informed  on  the  subject  of  commerce 
than  myself,  having  exhibited  the  facts  to  the  senate  in  a  manner 
that  must  carry  conviction,  I  shall  not  trespass  on  the  patience  of 
the  senate  with  any  further  remarks  on  that  point. 

Nor  shall  I  add  to  what  I  have  already  said,  to  prove  that  one  ob- 
ject of  the  embargo  \vas  to  fiut  down  coimnerce,  for  the  purpose  of 
/  7Y/;  manufacture^,  than  to   adduce  the  authority  on  which  my 
.opinion  rests ;  u  'lich  was  not,  as  has  been  insinuated  by  the  gentle- 
i.KvU  i'rom  Maryland,  com mon  place  observations,  and  party  news- 
paper publications,  but  the  declarations   of  the  president  of  the 
United  States,  not  in  an  ordinary  correspondence,  but  in  an  answer 
to  an  address  from  the  legislature  <  f  New  Hampshire,  a  New  Eng- 
,i.ite.  participating  in  common  with  the  other  New  England 
^states  in  the  beneti'.s  of  commerce.     Speaking  of  the  embargo,  he 
says,  •"  It  gave  us  time  to  make  a  last  appeal  to  the  reason  and  re- 
jnitatirjn  of  nations.     In  the  mean  while  I  see  with  satisfaction  that 
this  measure  of  self-denial  is  approved  and  supported  by  the  great 
body  of  our  real  citizens  ;  that  they  meet  with  cheerfulness  the 


IS 

temporary  privations  it  occasions  ;  and  are  preparing  with  spirit 
to  provide  for  themselves  the  se  comforts  and  conveniences  of  life, 
for  which  it  would  be  unwise  <-ver  mort  to  resort  to  distant  coun- 
tries." In  another  answer  to  an  address,  this  sentiment  is  expressed, 
that  the  agriculturalist  and  manufacturer  shall  be  planted  clown  side- 
by  side,  so  as  to  receive,  at  our  own  doors,  those  comforts  and 
conveniences  of  life,  which  we  have  been  accustomed  to  seek  on 
the  ocean.  No  such  effects  could  be  produced  by  the  embargo, 
nor  can  it  answer  any  such  purpose,  unless  made  fierpetual^  or 
continued  for  a  great  length  of  time. 

The  gentleman  frcm  \  irginia  has  thought  proper  to  go  into  a 
consideration  of  the  commercial  advantages  which  he  imagines  are 
enjoyed  by  the  people  inhabiting  the  northern  in  comparison  with 
the  southern  states,  under  the  constitution  and  laws  of  the  United 
States,  and  has  indulged  himself  in  remarks  respecting  a  disposi- 
tion in  the  people  of  Mew  England  to  insurrection,  rebclliin  and 
disunion;  but  these  are  topics  on  \\hich  I  shall  say  nothing,  as  I 
do  not  think  it  expedient  to  discuss  them  at  this  time. 

The  intimations  of  the  gentleman  from  Kentucky  and  the  gentle- 
man from  Georgia,  [Mr.  Crawford,]  about  amputation  and  military 
coercion,  I  shall  also  pass  by  without  further  notice,  than  to  assure 
those  gentlemen,  that  in  New  England  they  will  produce  no  intimi- 
dation, if  they  should  excite  any  attention. 

It  was  particularly  unfortunate  for  the  gentleman  from  Virginia, 
that  he  should  feel  himself  under  the  necessity  of  making  remarks 
that  may  be  construed  into  a  denunciation  of  a  certain  description 
of  our  fellow  citizens  as  DEMAGOGUES,  and  as  having  attempted  to 
excite  se dition  and  rebellion,  because  they  doubt  the  expediency  of 
the  embargo,  and  question  the  policy  of  some  of  the  measures  of 
the  present  administration  That  gentleman.  I  imagine,  will  hardly 
consent  that  to  doubt  the  policy  and  oppose  the  measures  of  an  ad- 
ministration, shall  be  the  criterion  for  deciding  who  are  the  DEMA- 
GOGUES of  our  country  ;  for  surely,  if  that  is  to  be  the  rule  of  deci- 
sion, the  conduct  of  that  gentleman  during  the  Jirst  administration 
under  the  constitution  of  the  United  States,  and  the  ability  and 
perseverance  with  which  he  maintained  his  opposition  to  it,  would" 
give  him  a  fire~eminent  claim  to  rank  high  on  the  list  of  DEMA- 
GOGUES. I  extremely  regret  those  remarks  on  another  account. 
I  know  many  of  the  most  venerable  characters  of  our  country, 
men  who  were  patriots  of  '76,  men  who  made  great  sacrifices,  and 
risqued  their  lives  in  our  struggle  for  liberty  and  independence, 
men  who  have  acquired  a  well  earned  fame,  which  has  never  been 
tarnished,  who  doubt  the  policy  of  the  embargo,  and  decidedly  dis- 
approve the  measure,  as  being  altogether  inefficient  as  it  regards 
foreign  powers,  and  ruinous  to  ourselves. 

The  gentleman  from  Virginia  is  peculiarly  unfortunate  also,  in 
ascribing  the  failure  of  the  embargo,  to  produce  the  desired  effect 
on  foreign  nations,  to  party  misrepresentations,  and  newspaper 
electioneering  publications,  describing  the  embargo  as  an  unpopu- 


lar  measure  calculated  to  excite  general  discontent,  and  bring  about 
a  change  of  rulers,  which,  he  says,  reached  England  between  the 
22cl  of  June  and  the  29th  of  July,  and  produced  a  sudden  change  in 
the  conduct  of  the  British  minister,  and  in  his  disposition  to  a 
friendly  accommodation.  I  could  hardly  have  expected,  even  in 
the  heat  of  debate,  such  a  declaration  from  a  gentleman  so  well  ac- 
quainted with  the  British  character  and  government.  The  ministry 
there  know  full  well  how  to  appreciate  parly  publications,  and  the 
representations  of  the  ins  and  the  out*. 

Those  party  misrepresentations,  as  the  gentleman  is  pleased  to 
call  them,  and  those  newspaper  electioneering  publications,  would 
have  had  but  little  effect  in  England,  and  still  less  weight  with  the 
ministry,  if  they  had  not  had  an  official  stamp  of  .truth  put  upon 
them,  by  the  proclamation  of  the  president  of  the  United  States 
With  the  indulgence  of  the  senate,  I  will  read  the  proclamation. 

"  By  the  /ires!  dent  of  the  United  States,  a  proclamation. 

"  Whereas  information  has  been  received,  that  sundry  peisons 
are  combined,  or  combining  and  confederating  together,  on  Lake 
Champlain  and  the  country  thereto  adjacent,  for  the  purpose  of 
forming  insurrections  against  the  authority  of  the  laws  of  the  Unit- 
ed States,  for  opposing  the  same,  and  obstructing  their  execution  ; 
and  that  such  combinations  are  too  powerful  to  be  suppressed  by 
the  ordinary  course  of  judicial  proceedings,  or  by  the  powers  vest- 
ed in  the  marshals  by  the  laws  of  the  United  States  : 

"  Now,  therefore,  to  the  end  that  the  authority  of  the  laws  may 
be  maintained,  and  that  those  concerned,  directly  or  indirectly,  in 
any  insurrection  or  combination  against  the  same,  may  be  duly 
warned,  I  have  issued  this  my  PROCLAMATION,  hereby  command- 
ing such  insurgents,  and  all  concerned  in  such  combinations,  in- 
stantly and  without  delay  to  disperse  and  retire  peaceably  to  their 
respective  abodes  :  and  I  do  hereby  further  require  and  command 
all  officers,  having  authority,  civil  or  military,  and  all  other  per- 
sons, civil  or  military,  who  shall  be  found  within  the  vicinage  of 
such  insurrections  or  combinations,  to  be  aiding  and  assisting,  by 
all  the  means  in  their  power,  by  foi  ce  of  arms  or  otherwise,  to  quell 
and  subdue  such  insurrections  or  combinations,  to  seize  upon  all 
tiiose  therein  concerned,  who  shall  not,  instantly  and  without  delay, 
disperse  and  retire  to  their  respective  abodes  ;  and  to  deliver  them 
over  to  the  civil  authority  of  the  place,  to  be  proceeded  against  ac- 
cording to  law. 

*'  In  testimony  whereof,  I  have  caused  the  seal  of  the  Unit- 
ed States  to  be  affixed  to  these  presents,  and  signed  the  same 
with  my  hand.  Ghen  at  the  city  of  \\ashingtonthe  19th  day  of 
April,  1 808,  and  in  the  sovereignty  and  independence  of  the  Lnit- 
ed.  States  the  thirty  second. 

«  TH  :  JEFFERSOX. 
"  By  the  president, 

"  JAMES  MADISON,  secretary  of  state." 


15 

The  senate  will  recollect  that  the  last  session  of  congress  was 
closed  on  the  25th  of  April  ;  and,  although  the  proclamation  was 
dated  the  19th  of  that  month,  no  intimation  thereof,  or  of  the 
state  of  the  country  to  which  it  referred,  was  given  to  congress  by 
the  president  of  the  United  States.  The  proclamation  was  pub- 
lished in  Vermont,  April  30,  and  in  the  National  Intelligencer, 
printed  at  the  seat  of  government,  on  the  13th  of  May.  Here  was 
an  official  document,  issuing  from  the  same  high  authority  that  re- 
commended the  embargo,  declaring  to  the  nation,  and  to  the  world, 
that  there  existed  so  great  uneasiness  and  discontent  on  account  of 
the  embargo,  as  to  induce  the  forming  of  unlawful  combinations  to 
resist  its  execution,  too  powerful  to  be  suppressed  by  the  ordinary 
process  of  law,  and  which  required  the  employment  of  a  military 
force.  Superadd  to  this,  that  our  small  standing  army,  and  the 
whole  naval  force  in  actual  service,  were  put  in  requisition,  to  aid  in 
its  execution. 

These  circumstances  present  a  melancholy  view  of  our  situa- 
tion. An  embargo  recommended  under  the  influence  of  the  great 
popularity  of  the  president,  and  /irojessed  to  be  laid  for  preserving 
in  safety  our  vessels,  our  seamen  and  merchandise,  and  saving  the 
honour,  and  vindicating  the  rights  of  our  country,  had  become  so 
unpopular,  before  the  close  of  the  session  of  the  congress  which 
imposed  it,  that  in  the  president's  opinion,  it  could  not  be  executed 
by  the  ordinary  process  of  law,  and  through  the  mild  medium  oi 
courts  of  justice;  so  that  it  had  already  become  necessary  to  call  in 
the  aid  of  an  armed  force. 

I  could  have  hoped  it  would  not  have  been  found  necessary  to 
employ  the  American  navy  to  cruize  against  our  own  commerce; 
and  little  did  I  expect  that  the  army  I  had  so  recently  voted  to 
raise,  for  the  purpose,  as  I  supposed,  of  opposing  foreign  agg'-es- 
sion,  would  be  required  to  point  their  bayonets  at  the  breasts  of 
their  fellow  citizens. 


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